Tag Archives: epicureanism

The “Epicurean Paradox” of the Skeptics

Is God willing to prevent evil, but not able? Then he is not omnipotent. Is he able, but not willing? Then he is malevolent. Is he both able and willing? Then whence cometh evil? Is he neither able nor willing? Then why call him God?

EPICURUS
David Hume, quoting Lactantius, quoting Sextus Empiricus

To the surprise of many, the “Epicurean Paradox” is not an Epicurean argument. The logical trilemma does not reflect the theological positions of Epíkouros. Rather, it represents a skeptical method. Epicureans were pious dogmatists who rejected theological skepticism. For Epíkouros, “deities truly exist” as “knowledge of them” is “evident” (Epistle to Menoikeús 123-124).

The “Epicurean Paradox” was an argument presented by the Pyrrhonist (i.e. non-dogmatic skeptic) Séxtos Empeirikós in Outlines of Pyrrhonism, a treatise written five centuries after both Pýrrhōn and Epíkouros. The “trilemma” that he employs comes from a skeptical mode of inquiry, accompanied by dilemmas (x2), tetralemmas (x4), and quintalemmas (x5).

Séxtos introduces this “paradox” in a chapter largely devoted to refuting the theological positions of Epíkouros. In fact, the trilemma was not produced by Epíkouros to refute the existence of “god”, rather, the “Epicurean Paradox” was produced by skeptics to refute the “dogmatism” of Epicureans. Séxtos avows that “we cannot apprehend whether God exists.”

Nowhere do we have a record of Epíkouros embracing this approach. We do have Epíkouros, in his own words, exhorting his friend Menoikeús to “consider” the “blessedness” of “a deity”:

First and foremost consider the deity an incorruptible and blessed figure as the common conception of a deity prescribes; attribute to him nothing either hostile to incorruptibility or alien to blessedness rather believe anything about him that is able to preserve his incorruptibility and blessedness. For deities truly exist: apparent indeed is this knowledge of them though they are not the same sort the masses consider: for the [masses] are not observed to preserve that same sort. Impious then is not the one who rejects the deities of the masses, but the one who adheres to the masses’ doctrines about the deities. For [their] assertions are not impressions but false assumptions of the masses about the deities. Thence [so the masses assume] both the greatest harms are [vindictively] brought to the wicked from deities and also those benefits [are obligatorily promised to] the righteous. For approving of all their personal virtue, [the masses] accept [those] similar [conceptions of deities that fulfill with their expectation of rewards]; all those [conceptions] not corresponding [to their demands for God to service them] they consider as hostile. (Ep. Men. 123-124).

The modern world inherits this popular misattribution from the sceptic David Hume. As Hume writes, “EPICURUS’s old queftions are yet unanfwered. Is he willing to prevent evil, but not able? then is he impotent. Is he able, but not willing? then is he malevolent. Is he both able and willing? whence then is evil?” (Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion 10).

Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion by David Hume, published posthumously (1779).

Hume himself inherits this misconception from Lactantius. This early Christian writer mistook Pyrrhonian skepticism as Epicurean criticism (likely as a result of his disdain for both systems of “pagan” philosophy which seemed “atheistic” to him). So he shares erroneously:

That argument also of Epicurus [Epicuri]. God [Deus], he says [inquit], either wishes to take away evils, and is unable; or He is able, and is unwilling; or He is neither willing nor able, or He is both willing and able. If He is willing and is unable, He is feeble, which is not in accordance with the character of God; if He is able and unwilling, He is envious, which is equally at variance with God; if He is neither willing nor able, He is both envious and feeble, and therefore not God; if He is both willing and able, which alone is suitable to God, from what source then are evils? or why does He not remove them? (On the Anger of God 13)

A 12th-century copy of De Ira Dei (4th-century) by Lactantius (Clm 536, fol. 63r).

The Christian author makes this error nearly six centuries after Epíkouros lived. Since Séxtos Empeirikós pre-dates Lactantius, he can be trusted as a reliable source, particularly when he positively claims to represent the skeptical position of the Pyrrhonists against all the other “dogmatists”. Séxtos provides us with the actual, skeptical trillemma regarding God:

Further, this too should be said. Anyone who asserts that god exists either says that god takes care of the things in the cosmos or that he does not, and, if he does take care, that it is either of all things or of some. Now if he takes care of everything, there would be no particular evil thing and no evil in general in the cosmos; but the Dogmatists say that everything is full of evil; therefore god shall not be said to take care of everything. On the other hand, if he takes care of only some things, why does he take care of these and not of those? For either he wishes but is not able, or be is able but does not wish, or he neither wishes nor is able. If he both wished and was able, he would have taken care of everything; but, for the reasons stated above, he does not take care of everything; therefore, it is not the case that he both wishes and is able to take care of everything. But if he wishes and is not able, he is weaker than the cause on account of which he is not able to take care of the things of which he does not take care; but it is contrary to the concept of god that he should be weaker than anything. Again, if he is able to take care of everything but does not wish to do so, he will be considered malevolent, and if be neither wishes nor is able, he is both malevolent and weak; but to say that about god is impious. Therefore, god does not take care of the things in the cosmos. (Séxtos Empeirikós, Outlines of Pyrrhonism, Book 3, 3.9-11)

A 14th-century copy of the 2nd-century Outlines of Pyrrhonism (Cod.graec. 439, fol. 76r).

As a terminal transmitter of skeptical inquiry, Séxtos may be appropriating an argument from an Academic Skeptic like Karneádēs (2nd-century BCE) as opposed to Pýrrhōn himself. In any case, the “Epicurean Paradox” was used by the opponents of Epíkouros against Epicureans. Séxtos rejects the “god” who “exists” but neither “takes care of everything” nor “wishes to do so”. For Séxtos, such a “god” is “weak” and/or “malevolent”. He accuses Epicureans of impiety, believing that the Epicurean interpretation of “blessedness” is “contrary to the concept of god”.

Though Séxtos‘ treatise was partially intended to be a refutation of Epicurean theology, numerous points shared by Séxtos positively correspond with observations made by Epíkouros.

Even a Broken Horologium Is Right Twice a Day

Skeptical Séxtos agrees with the Epicurean “dogmatists” on several points: [1] conceptually, an entity defined as being without trouble cannot cause trouble. [2] Believing otherwise, as do the masses, is not only incoherent, but “impious”. As concerns the idea of “god(s)“, [3] humans cannot conceive of anything without drawing from experience (e.g. if you come from a culture that has not experienced a horse, you can neither imagine a centaur, nor a zebra).

Epíkouros quips, “If a god listens to the prayers of humans, then all humans should instantly cease to exist, as they continuously pray for cruel [conditions] against one another” (as recorded by Maximus the Abbot). Séxtos concurs that “god shall not be said to take care of everything”, otherwise, people “will be forced to say that he is either malevolent or weak”.

Additionally, both schools observe that the myth of god’s involvement has been adopted by “the masses” who “have declared that God is the […] cause” of troubles. Here, Séxtos echoes Epíkouros who says, “Impious then is not the one who rejects the deities of the masses, but the one who adheres to the masses’ doctrines about the deities” (Epistle to Menoikeús 123).

The competing schools share further sympathy so far as the formation of concepts in the mind. For Pyrrhonists, “no one could conceive ‘horse’ unless he had first learned the horse’s form.” (Outlines of Pyrrhonism III, 3.2). For Epicureans, too, “each name primarily follows [what] is visible, since we could not have sought the investigation if we had not first perceived it, just as [we] have further established a horse is [this] or [a] cow [is that]” (Diogénēs Laértios 10.33). However, unlike Séxtos, Epíkouros does not reject the validity of reasoning by analogy.

Beyond these points, the schools differ dramatically. Séxtos devotes nearly an entire chapter of his third book on Pyrrhonism to refute Epicurean theology. He attempts to do so through his method of trilemmas; from the Epicurean perspective, he fails as a result of his misunderstandings.

Dorothy meets the Scarecrow from The Wizard of Oz (1939)

Scarecrows and an Ostrich

Overall, Séxtos misrepresents the Epicureans. In one case, the Pyrrhonist mischaracterizes the Epicurean gods as being “inactive” or “lacking energy” (perhaps as a consequence of mistaking their being “impassive” for being “motionless”). To the contrary,  the founders of the Epicurean tradition observed that the gods lack nothing. They are perfectly happy figures who savor dialogue and share favors among imperturbable friend in imperishable paradises.

In another case, Séxtos obfuscates the Epicurean description of “blessedness”, confabulating that Epíkouros has “made the blessed, and consequently also god, inconceivable for us” (3.5). “[L]et the Dogmatists tell us”, goads Séxtos, “what a ‘blessed’ thing is”. Ironically, five centuries earlier, Epíkouros had already explained, in explicit terms, precisely what is “most blessed”, that which is “most pleasant”, the “best psychosomatic disposition”, “fitting all that happens to us […] in good order” (On Holiness). “God” is a being which “neither hungers, nor thirsts, nor shivers” (Vatican Saying 33). Philódēmos writes that a “blessed” being is “most worthy of emulation”, “unburdened by affairs”, “exalted and great-minded and great-spirited”, defined by “strength and perfection”, never “bad-tempered” (On Piety 45), a being that never “partakes in pains” (Ibid., 7) and enjoys a “happiness stemming from every source” (Ibid., 10).

Séxtos also fails to acknowledge an important nuance of Epicurean theology as concerns the generation of the forms of god(s) in our minds. Séxtos assumes that “no one will be able to name the source of the apprehension of God’s existence” without some “product of his”, yet the “apprehension” that Epíkouros acknowledges is not a product of “God”, but a product of natural influences on the mind. Epíkouros recognizes that nature’s gods are principally discerned through contemplation — since the diaphanous particles of deities are too small to see, we do not know “god” beyond the sanctuary of the mind, conceivable in terms of visualizations of perfection (see “All Particles Go to Heaven: The Form and Formation of the Epicurean Gods“).

Note that Epíkouros also accepts into his conception of “the divine nature” those beings that “have existed [distinctly] in number“, not only “in likeness” as “a stream of images” in the mind (Laértios 10.139), but who are also “numerically one and the same like us” (On Gods 3.10).  Philódēmos imagines such gods to dwell in metacosmic space, living in communities composed of their own elements (On Gods 3). Such a conception provides a benchmark example of “blessed and imperturbable” beings. Granted, the external particles of such beings are too small for people to see, so, even still, “gods [are only] discernible by reason” (Lives 10.139).

As a final point of contention, Séxtos claims that the existence of god “is not pre-evident”, otherwise “the Dogmatists would agree about who, of what sort, and where [god] is”. Whereas Séxtos ridicules peoples’ belief in “god” due to the “interminable disagreement” of opinions about “his” form, Epíkouros accepts that “the divine nature” provides room for an infinite collection of unique divinities, each sharing the common trait of incorruptible blessedness. Epíkouros observes that the idealization of a perfectly happy, perfectly healthy being has been reproduced throughout history, and replicated countless times across the globe. Philódēmos writes that “the first people” only required “the analogy of disturbance” to conceptualize a being who is completely undisturbed. He infers that people developed a variety representations of “the divine nature” according to “traditional rites”. Even when corrupted representations contradict one another, each expression continues to validate the reality of the feeling that inspired it.

“Dictionary definition of the word ‘God’.”

god /ɡɑːd/ (n.)

Fundamentally, Séxtos and Epíkouros differ in their definitions of “god”.

For Pyrrhonists, “God’s existence” is “inapprehensible”. As Séxtos writes, “the existence of God cannot be proved from any other fact”. He surmises, “if god does not take care of anything and there is no work or product of his, [then] nobody will be able to say from whence be apprehends that god exists”. As mentioned, he claims that “the existence of God is not pre-evident” (On Pyrrhonism III 3.5). “[F]or these reasons we cannot apprehend whether God exists”.

In stark contrast with this agnostic attitude, Epíkouros affirms that not only do “deities exist” but “truly apparent is this knowledge of them” (Ep. Men. 123). The representations of god(s) around the world, dreams and memorable visions triggered by chemical sacraments have informed our notion of “divinity”. For Epíkouros, a “real” deity is “only “discernible through contemplation” — any hypothetical deity must conform to our common notion of “blessedness”, thus creating a completely happy, ceaselessly sufficient entity who has “been rendered human-like” to the human mind, “in likeness” of people, as iconic projections of the best life. (Laértios 10.139).

The “divinity” that Epíkouros observes, and the gods he reveres are bound by the restrictions and possibilities of nature. As an individual, “a god” cannot know everything, nor everyone. His reach is relative to the intercosmic void that extends infinitely — gods are thus relieved of cosmic cleanup. They do not supervise the observable universe; they feel no pressure to forecast the weather for lifeforms on Proxima Centauri b; they are unconcerned with the adulterous affairs of aliens in the Andromeda; they have no compulsion to correct the abuses of American authoritarians; they do not direct your drama. Their happiness is pure, preserved from corruption; their pleasure is permanent, saved from disruption; their lives are perfect, removed from perturbance; their identities are indestructible, immune to disturbance.

Omnibeatificence

The “gods” that Epíkouros recognizes are neither omnipotent (nothing is greater than Nature), nor omnipresent (nothing is present everywhere besides infinite void), nor omniscient (no one with limited presence can know everything at present), nor omnibenevolent (no one who is somewhere can provide charity to everyone everywhere). For Epicureans, “god” shares only in omnisufficience (being perfectly self-sufficient), omnisanctience (being “best and most holy”), as well as (what this author shall call) omni-beatificence, “always being happy”. The omnibeatific deities are only as powerful, knowledgable, and charitable as Nature allows.

Torus Interior by Don Davis (1975 NASA Ames/Stanford University Summer Study)

Zeus Helps Those Who Help Themselves

Unlike the skeptical Pyrrhonists, Epíkouros encouraged the worship of god(s) as a practical tool. As he writes, “worship of the wise is a great good to you who will worship” (Vatican Saying 32). Philódēmos records Epíkouros as having “loyally observed all the forms of worship and enjoined upon his friends to observe them” (On Piety 26). In his own words, Epíkouros explains that “to pray is natural for us, not because the gods would be hostile if we did not pray, but in order that, according to the understanding of beings surpassing in power and excellence, we may realize our fulfillments and social conformity with the laws” (On Lifecourses). In this regard, even if “no one has been prolific in finding convincing demonstrations for the existence of gods”, even if skeptics doubt the coherence of theology, there is a demonstrable practicality in exercising piety, for almost “all people […] worship”, “as do we” (On Piety 23).


For more, check out “On the Epicurean Gods” by the Society of Friends of Epicurus.

On Thomas Jefferson’s Epicureanism and Slavery

“The greatest fruit of self-sufficiency is freedom.” – Vatican Sayings, 77

Epicurus’ philosophy is not only a philosophy of happiness, but it is also a philosophy of liberty. Epicurus emancipates the mind from the primeval horrors that seek to enslave it. Just as Helios casts out the shadows of the world, Epicurus illuminates the darkness of ignorance, and provides the foundation for living a life of freedom from fear and uncertainty.

That being said, I have recently returned from my travels to Monticello, where I reflected on what it means to be an Epicurean and on the many ways Thomas Jefferson fell short of what I had hoped and anticipated the more I learned about his life. After collecting my thoughts and synthesizing information across multiple sources, here is my attempt to evaluate the history of slavery within Epicureanism and to make sense of the contradictory life of Thomas Jefferson.

(The following was written by contributor Harmonious and reflects the opinions of the author.)

On Thomas Jefferson’s Epicureanism and Slavery

The Scholarchs, the Guides, and the Empress

The first companions of Epicurus were known as the kathegemones (those who led the way) and were considered members of Epicurus’ philosophical family, his philoi (affiliates or friends).

From this initial group, two sets of leaders emerged: we have the Four Men (hoi andrei) who are properly considered the founders of our tradition and whom Philodemus treats as ultimate authorities, frequently citing them to underline the legitimacy of his teachings. They are Epicurus, Metrodorus, Hermarchus and Polyaenus. We also have the lineage of Scholarchs who succeeded Epicurus at the head of the Athens school. This article concerns these diadochi (from diadokhoi, “Successors”).

Diogenes Laertius in his Lives of Eminent Philosophers, mentions by name only the first nine of these Scholarchs. From later sources, we have two more that are mentioned in the times of emperor Hadrian, and due to their recognized authority, I’m extending the term Scholarch to include all four founders. Also, in the spirit of honoring the sages, and although they do not fall within the lineage of the Scholarchs proper, there were other extraordinary teachers who contributed greatly to the spread and the preservation of Epicureanism (Philodemus of Gadara, Lucretius, Philonides of Laodicea, and Diogenes of Oenoanda). They are included here as a homage.

Our tradition preserved itself through direct transmission and succession. As we saw with Philodemus, later Epicureans were very interested in preserving the teachings of the original Four Masters. Claiming a place under the succession (in his case, through Zeno) was therefore of great importance to Philodemus.

HEGEMON
Epicurus of Samos

Later generations of philosophers would call him “the Herald who saved us”. Read D. Laertius’ account of his life here.

SCHOLARCH
Metrodorus of Lampsacus (the Younger)

Metrodorus was known as a great administrator, linguist and financier, and was recognized as a sophos (sage) by the Epicureans and as “almost another Epicurus” by Cicero.

He was born in 331/330 BC in Lampsachus, and died in 278/7 BC, seven or eight years before his master. He never left Epicurus except once for six months spent on a visit to his native land. He never acted as Scholarch but was among the Four Men.

SCHOLARCH
Polyaenus of Lampsacus

The son of Athenodorus, a citizen of Lampsacus and mathematician, was considered a kind man. He died prior to Epicurus in 286 BC. He never acted as Scholarch but was among the Four Men.

SCHOLARCH
Hermarcus of Mitylene

Hermarcus, a student of rhetoric, was the successor of Epicurus as second scholarch and the first convert to the teachings of Epicurus in the early days when Epicurus first began teaching. He was born in Mitylene, Lesbos in 340 BCE from a poor family and died around 250 BC of paralysis.

Hermarcus was the only one among the founders who was there both prior to Epicurus’ teaching mission, and at the time of his death when, according to Philodemus, he assisted the Hegemon, “wrapped him in a shroud, and kept vigil beside his remains“, perhaps a testimony of the tender love that existed among the first Friends of Epicurus who had grown old together in philosophy and were as family.

Some of the extant sayings in our tradition have been attributed to him, and it is believed that he was almost exclusively vegetarian and that he considered meat-eating an unnecessary desire because it contributes not to the maintenance of life but to a variation in pleasure.

SCHOLARCH
Polystratus

He had been a young pupil of aged Epicurus, later attained succession as Scholarch c. 250 BCE and died 219-8 BCE. His life-long best friend was Hippoclides. Two of his writings remain: there are broken fragments of On Philosophy, and an interesting work titled On Irrational Contempt, a diatribe against the Sceptics where he argues in favor of a naturalist moral realism.

Polystratus is the first Scholarch who had not been a founding member and it’s here that issues of inheritance begin to harm the school, apparently because some non-Epicurean children of scholarchs would claim inheritance. Over the long-term, this seems to have harmed the continuity of the Athenian Garden.

We also know that Rome introduced legislation requiring the successors in the provincial philosophical schools to be Roman citizens in order to avoid subversion, which would later greatly diminish the number of available successors. The law would not be abolished until the second century of Common Era.

SCHOLARCH
Dionysius of Lamptrai

He became the fourth succeessor of Epicurus in 219-8 BCE after contending for succession against Diotimos, as Polystratus had failed to designate the next Scholarch. It is most likely here that, according to Empress Plotina who wrote during the second century of Common Era, the pupils had to carry out an election to choose their next Hegemon.

SCHOLARCH
Basilides of Tyre

He was born in Syria c. 245 BCE, appointed successor in 205 BCE and died c. 175 BCE. He had been pupil of Artemon, and he taught Philonides of Laodicea. Philodemus’ writings on anger are likely based on his work.

SCHOLARCH
Philonides of Laodicea

Although not a Scholarch, he was an important missionary to Asia who spread Epicureanism in the East (Phoenicia, Syria).

SCHOLARCH
Apollodorus of Athens, the Kepotyrannos

The sixth Hegemon (190-110 BC) rose to the succession c. 147 BCE and had been known as the tyrant of the Garden due to the discipline he implemented. He wrote over four hundred books and is believed to have possibly restored the finances of the Athenian school, which may be how he got his nickname. We must remember that there were inheritance issues after the four founders passed away.

He is said to have written upwards of 400 books, none of which is extant and only two are mentioned by title: a Life of Epicurus and a Collection of Doctrines.

SCHOLARCH
Zeno of Sidon

The seventh Hegemon is believed to have been born in Sidon (modern Lebanon) c. 166 BCE and succeeded his teacher Apollodorus as the head of the school c. 100-75 BCE

Some Epicureans call the Scholarchs that came after Apollodorus sophists, a term which carries negative connotations, perhaps because of the innovations they introduced. Many of these innovations were the result of interaction and debate with other schools. Some believe they were attempts to reconcile the writings of the founders with new insights.

The school had relied on memorization of sayings for many generations. Zeno was a prolific writer of over 400 books who engaged in textual criticism of Epicurus and revitalized the intellectual life of the school by rebelling against what he perceived as an inability to adapt, which is probably part of what inspired the accusations of sophistry. Perhaps the discipline he endured under Apollodorus gave him a rebellious edge?

In any case, he seems to have gathered a huge circle around him and to have influenced many important thinkers of his day, including Cicero (who greatly admired his logical and noble thought), Atticus, Demetrius the Laconian, Lucretius, and Philodemus. If the greatness of a teacher can be judged by the greatness of his students, then Zeno must have been one of the great Epicurean Masters, an incredibly important figure.

Philodemus’ works On Frank Criticism and On Anger are part of the Epitome of Conduct and Character, which is based on the Lectures of Zeno.

GUIDE
Titus Lucretius Carus

Lucretius (95-52 BCE) was a poet and author of De Rerum Natura, a didactic work that gives a complete exposition of the Epicurean system. This manuscript was rediscovered in the 15th Century by Poggio Bracciolini, its influence trickled down to Pierre Gassendi (who tried to reconcile atomism with Christianity), Giordano Bruno and other naturalist thinkers. According to many (including the author of The Swerve: How the World Became Modern), Lucretius is the reason for the Renaissance and the Enlightenment. In other words, his words lifted humanity from the Dark Ages.

GUIDE
Philodemus of Gadara

Philodemus was not a Scholarch, but studied in Alexandria and later under Zeno in Athens, went on to teach philosophy to wealthy Romans, and preserved many of Zeno’s lectures in the library at Herculaneum. In spite of this, and unlike his master, he was orthodox in his views and often cited the original four founders in order to claim legitimacy. As a result of this, he is a hugely importance source.

The importance of his work cannot be underestimated. These scrolls were destroyed by the eruption of Mount Vesuvius, but later rediscovered and many of the fragments deciphered. The remains of Philodemus’ work inspired the Philodemus Series at societyofepicurus.com and will likely continue to inspire our teaching mission.

SCHOLARCH
Phaedrus

The eighth Hegemon, Phaedrus, was a wealthy Athenian who lived from 138 – 170/69 BCE, having sought political exile in Rome in 88 BCE and later returning to Athens to succeed Zeno as Scholarch c. 75-70 BCE. He was a great orator and was known for writing witty epigrams.

SCHOLARCH
Patro

He became the ninth Hegemon c . 70-50s BCE, and lived unfortunately during a time when the school in Athens, the house where Epicurus had lived, was in ruins. There is evidence of his efforts to save the building.

With him ends the supremacy of the Athenian school (around 51 BCE), which would no longer receive donations from the satellite schools in other cities. As Epicureanism expanded in Rome as it had done in the east, there was an increased division between the orthodox (gnesioi, or authentic) and the sophistic (sophistai) wings of the tradition.

By now, there were Epicurean communities in Lampsacus, Mitylene, Miletus, Thebes, Antiochia (which became a major center and even had an Epicurean library with smiling gods’ statues), Alexandria, Chalcis, Apameia, Gadara, Kos, Naples, Pergamom, Rhodes, Amastris, Oenoanda, and Herculaneum.

GUIDE
Diogenes of Oenoanda

Diogenes lived in a small town in what is now Turkey. He erected a wall with an Epicurean inscription in order to teach philosophy to the people of his town. There’s an abridged version of the contents of Diogenes’ Wall at epicurus.info, another one here, and newepicurean.com has a feature on it.

SIXTEENTH SCHOLARCH
Popilius Theotimus

During the 2nd Century of Common Era, Popilius Theotimus, scholarch of the Garden at Athens, turned to Plotina, the Epicurean empress who had raised Emperor Hadrian, with a request to abolish the law that required the successor to be a Roman citizen. She succeeded in utilizing her influence on the emperor to change the laws.

HONORARY MENTION: THE EPICUREAN EMPRESS PLOTINA

As a side note, we do not know how early Plotina chose to follow Epicurus, whom she called Savior, or whether she raised Hadrian as an Epicurean, but we do have reason to believe that Plotina’s philosophy greatly influenced the emperor. It must be noted that the following words were inscribed on Hadrian’s coins: Humanitas, Felicitas, Libertas (Humanity, Happiness, and Freedom).

SEVENTEENTH SCHOLARCH
Heliodorus

We know that Emperor Hadrian personally wrote to the Epicurean scholarch Heliodorus, the successor to Popilius Theotimus, conceding financial support to his school. Later in 178 Emperor Marcus Aurelius renewed interest in the Epicurean school in Athens by an endowment of ten thousand drachmas.

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Reasonings About Philodemus’ On Choices and Avoidances (Part III)

 Continued from Reasonings About Philodemus’ On Choices and Avoidances (Part II)

Against Existing Only to Die

Now, Philodemus of Gadara lived during the first century Before Common Era. Therefore, he did not live to see this particular heresy become virally widespread as it became several centuries after he lived. Saul of Tarsus taught that mortals are saved and gain immortality by faith. But even before the rise of Christianity, Philodemus would have witnessed the initiates of the Eleusinian mysteries and the Orpheic mysteries and other such cults making similar claims about immortality through faith and participation in rituals.

The specific evil that he criticizes about these faiths in the afterlife had to do with the initiates’ unwillingness to live while they’re alive.

Column XVIII. “Do I not live decently and justly? Or do I not live in accordance with the laws applying to men? Then when I shall die I shall be immortal.” And they are cut off from everything by means of which they would have a better life, exactly like men who are sentenced to death.

In other words, in the expectation of a blissful afterlife, it is easy to not follow our bliss in this life. Time rushes through people and they do not experience the joys or seek the things that make life worth living. They look forward to the time after death as a consolation, and fail to live. Philodemus later says that such people at times neglect their health–even as they are frightened by diseases–and other things that matter, avoid great pleasures for fear of troubles in the afterlife, and he lists many other evidences of lacking an art of living.

Because they burden themselves needlessly in this manner, such a life is equated to a death sentence. As we saw in our discussion of the scroll On Death, it is one thing to exist, quite another to live.

The Qualities of the Prudent

After listing the qualities of the person who does not understand what really matters, Philodemus then turns to the person who does understand the easy-to-attain chief goods and has full confidence in his ability to procure them. The text mentions that he works with equanimity, either because he does so for the sake of friends of because he has “closely examined the things which yield fruit in return for his labours”.

The commentary explains that the prudent man chooses mild toils with great pleasures, in other words he subjects his labor paradigm to hedonic calculus, choosing activities that are useful and maximize his revenue. Such a man is content with only the necessary amount of money and is not greedy, lives in the present, is generous, industrious, and self-sufficient, and remains always devoted to philosophy. He’s friendly, caring, and grateful to others in the hopes that others will do likewise in the future. He also, importantly, takes good care of his health and self-betterment, administers his property diligently and reminisces about the past both analysing it and being grateful for it.

After establishing the criteria for successfully making choices and avoidances based on the chief goods and needful things, and teaching us the importance of being confident in our abilities to procure these, Philodemus then gave a list of examples of what happens when people fail to distinguish between natural and necessary pleasures and those that are vain and unnecessary.

The scroll ends with this auspicious account of how the prudent man who is aware of the chief goods, lives a virtuous life.

*

On Choices and Avoidances, edited with translation and commentary by Giovanni Indelli and Voula Tsouna-McKirahan

The above reasonings were inspired by the following source:  G. Indelli, V. Tsouna-McKirahan (edd., trans.): [Philodemus]: [On Choices and Avoidances]. (Istituto Italiano per gli Studi Filosofici, La Scuola di Epicuro, Collezione di testi ercolanesi diretta da Marcello Gigante, 15.) Pp. 248. Naples: Bibliopolis, 1995. ISBN: 88-7088-343-4.

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